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Trump's economic plan undermines his economic mandate

Trump election market
Bloomberg News

There's an aphorism in Washington known as a "mandate," whereby a candidate's electoral victory confers legitimacy on their preferred policies. That expression hasn't been widely used for a long time, if for no other reason than because most of the last half-dozen presidential elections have been nail-bitingly close.

That wasn't the case in Donald Trump's victory on Nov. 5. Trump is only the second Republican to win the popular vote in the 21st century — the first being George W. Bush in 2004 — and he swept all seven swing states, in most cases with comfortable margins. If there was ever such a thing as a mandate election, it would seem that Trump has won one.

So if Trump has a mandate, what is it? That is somewhat difficult to say. Part of the reason the mandate concept is flawed is because different voters can vote for the same candidate for very different — indeed, even contradictory — reasons, and that is especially true in the case of a candidate whose policies are as heterodox as Trump's. Some voters may have voted for him because of his promise to deport millions of immigrants, while just as many may have voted for him despite that promise. 

But if his mandate can be distilled to its essence, it is to bring back the economy he oversaw between 2017 and early 2020 — record markets and low inflation, less meddlesome regulation and more money in people's pockets. 

Most of these ideas fit together: lowering banks' compliance costs leaves more profits to be shared with investors, boosting share value and juicing the market, which makes people's investments more valuable and creates at least the appearance of more money in their pockets. So long as inflation remains in check, banks and everyone else should be looking forward to a far more favorable business environment for the next four years.

While a return to a bygone economy may be Trump's mandate, it is not the entirety of his agenda. Perhaps even more than his economic message, his central campaign promise was to expeditiously deport millions of people who live in the country without legal permission. Leaving aside the valid questions of humanity and due process that such a move raises, the sudden and permanent disappearance of millions of people who lived, ate and spent money here would further reduce an already anemic labor market. That in turn would have serious consequences at the local level and reduce economic growth by 0.4% in 2025, according to the American Enterprise Institute.

Fewer workers also implies higher wages for the ones who are left and higher prices for the smaller number of things that they produce — that's inflationary pressure. If comparable goods can be imported at a lower price, that pressure could be reduced, but another pillar of Trump's economic vision is to impose tariffs on almost all imports, but especially on those from China and Mexico — the country's No. 2 and No. 3 biggest trading partners. Tariffs by themselves have the effect of reducing economic growth and raising inflationary pressures, but when taken in concert with a smaller pool of labor, will make those forces even greater.

Of course the government has a tool it can use to cool inflation, namely raising the interest rates it pays on Federal Reserve member banks' reserves and thereby raising the prevailing interest rates throughout the economy. Making money more expensive to borrow makes it more valuable to those who already have it, and that means you need less of it to pay workers for their labor and for laborers to buy the things they need. But as we have learned from recent experience, that process is neither easy nor linear, and runs the real risk of tipping the economy into recession.

That also assumes the Fed is willing to take that step. Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell has spearheaded a yearslong adventure in navigating monetary policy through an inflationary spike and has nearly achieved the fabled "soft landing" of raising interest rates without sparking a recession. Trump's feelings about Powell are well known, as is Powell's stance on his willingness to make way for someone more to his liking. But if Trump eventually prevails in installing someone to lead the Fed who cares more about pleasing him than managing the economy for the long term, that could not only make immediate matters worse but could also shake the world's confidence in the United States as an investment-grade economy and its dollars as the reserve currency of choice.

None of these things have happened yet, and these pitfalls are sufficiently foreseeable that one can only assume that the president-elect and his administration are aware of them. But these policies have also been well-telegraphed and enthusiastically embraced by a significant core of his supporters, who will be disappointed in him if he does not follow through. 

For the first time ever, the American people have elected a lame-duck president — the only other president to serve non-consecutive terms was Grover Cleveland, who served 50 years before the passage of the 22nd Amendment limiting presidents to two terms. That could spur Trump to govern in such a way that preserves his legacy, or it could lead him to govern without concern about what comes next. I have my suspicions about which path he will choose — and I expect banks do, too.

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